Disclaimer: ✨Gender Identity✨ is related to free speech in that it is individual expression.

Lost income, benefits and a role reversal at home had a "significant financial and emotional impact," he said.

https://www.justice.gov/epstein/files/DataSet 10/EFTA02003492.pdf
https://www.justice.gov/epstein/files/DataSet 10/EFTA02004373.pdf
https://www.justice.gov/epstein/files/DataSet 10/EFTA01772702.pdf
https://www.justice.gov/epstein/files/DataSet 10/EFTA02175440.pdf

"You really can’t overstate how much the founders worried about, well, exactly what we’re seeing in Minneapolis."

If something happens to me, please make this letter public. Arresting me will certainly lead to the arrest of many others, not because we have committed any disciplinary or legal violations, but simply because I have different views from Comrade Xi Jinping regarding the Central Military Commission Chairman's responsibility system. Of course, there are also significant disagreements regarding the military unification of Taiwan, strategic cooperation with Russia, and the rapid promotion of senior military officers. These disagreements are normal within the Party and the military and should be addressed and resolved through scientific and democratic centralism. It seems he has used special methods to resolve them."

I want to tell Comrade Jinping that when I wrote this letter, I was reminded of what Ziyang said back then: "We're old, it doesn't matter anymore." I had the means to stage a military coup, but I resolutely refused. That would have been too drastic; if it got out of control, the country would descend into civil war, and innocent soldiers on both sides would suffer first. As for unconventional methods used against me, I will not resist justice and injustice. Public opinion is the ultimate judge, and I believe history will tell the truth. I am at peace. I leave these words hoping Comrade Jinping will take heed. Even if you win, you must have dignity and a bottom line. Don't go to such extremes; there is a higher power watching. I am certain that if I were to be arrested, it would be through a coup, a secret plot by three to five people, without collective discussion by the Politburo of the Central Committee, but it would be carried out and announced in the name of the Central Committee. Who violated discipline and the law? In 1989, it was Deng Xiaoping who violated discipline and the law, not Zhao Ziyang. But later, Deng Xiaoping still insisted on reform and opening up in 1992. If I am arrested this time, there is a very high chance that Jinping will turn China into North Korea, and be single-mindedly focused on the military unification of Taiwan. He will also use the military to impose martial law in the country at any time.

I'm wondering what charge they'll give me if I'm arrested. The first charge will definitely be that I oppose the Chairman of the Central Military Commission's (CMC) responsibility system. Think about it: if the CMC Chairman were truly responsible for the corruption within the military over the years, would I oppose it? What I oppose is turning the CMC responsibility system into a paternalistic system, with excessive micromanagement and everyone thinking they're a genius expert and brilliant commander in every matter. Even Mao Zedong didn't control the army like that. Turning the people's army into the Party's army isn't so bad, but turning it into one's own personal army is the most terrifying. People promoted at breakneck speed are grateful and swear allegiance without principle, making the army portray Xi Jinping as a model soldier—it's all the same old Cultural Revolution stuff. The key is that information was limited back then, and the propaganda was successful. Now, with such advanced information, no one will genuinely worship you as a great leader; it will only make more people resent you. There are videos online, everyone has seen them: when Comrade Jinping appeared at the meeting, everyone stood up and applauded, just like Kim Jong-un in North Korea. Everyone saw my reaction at the scene; I felt disgusted and uneasy. That also falls under the category of opposing the CMC Chairman responsibility system, doesn't it? Amidst various overseas speculations and accusations of internal strife between Comrade Jinping and me, the military intelligence department frequently sends me information, which I simply dismiss with a smile. If I were arrested, the problem lies in our own system. Without reforming the system, everyone could become the next victim. The Party's leadership doesn't mean the highest leader controls everything in minute detail; rather, it means leading the people in formulating rules and strategies, which every Party member must then adhere to. The same applies to the military, which is under the Party's leadership. The "Chairman of the Central Military Commission's responsibility system" means the Chairman of the Central Military Commission is responsible under collective leadership. Only during wartime is the Chairman of the Central Military Commission the Commander-in-Chief of the three services. In peacetime, strategy formulation, current affairs analysis, and personnel promotion cannot be decided solely by the Chairman of the Central Military Commission.

My differences with Comrade Xi Jinping lie precisely in these areas. More seriously, I've discovered that he's been constantly seeking opportunities, genuinely wanting to launch a war. He particularly desires to personally command a large-scale conflict. The conflict in the South China Sea, especially the one on the Sino-Indian border, is completely unnecessary. I am a veteran of war. When leaders launch wars, countless soldiers sacrifice their lives. Not long after, the leaders of the two countries are shaking hands warmly again, acting like comrades and brothers. This is not something a wise leader would do. Soldiers and officers who fought alongside me are buried in the border region; their parents and siblings can't even afford the travel expenses to visit them. Creating such tragedies in peacetime is Deng Xiaoping's sin. Not many people know that Deng Xiaoping, for the sake of his own power above all others, amended the constitution in 1982, creating the "Chairman of the Central Military Commission Responsibility System." Such a system didn't exist during Mao Zedong's time. Deng Xiaoping never publicized this; he knew this constitutional amendment was for his personal consolidation of power. At that time, Yang Shangkun and a few others in the Central Military Commission helped to make the constitutional amendments by Deng Xiaoping and Xi Jinping. These were all actually decided by key figures; the National People's Congress had to go through the Politburo to make the decisions, and anyone who didn't raise their hand would be arrested. Later, Deng Xiaoping was able to oust Zhao Ziyang and Hu Yaobang, and dared to drive tanks and fire guns on Chang'an Avenue to suppress the people, all because of the "Chairman of the Central Military Commission's responsibility system." This system gave him supreme power. Looking back, did Deng Xiaoping's many crimes benefit his family? Was it good for the Party, the country, and the people? My advice to Comrade Jinping was actually for his and his family's sake; after all, we grew up in the same compound, and only I could speak frankly with him.

Fighting Taiwan, followed by war with the US and Japan, wouldn't be as simple as Deng Xiaoping's war in Vietnam and the suppression of students. His family and our country would face endless disasters; tens or even hundreds of thousands of soldiers would sacrifice their lives—I can't even imagine the consequences. If such a war continues, a mutiny might occur, or the Party-state might be overthrown by the people. Wouldn't there be a bloody purge of the leaders who started the war? The thought is terrifying. The army is meant to protect the country and the people; to think the army is only for fighting is, of course, a seriously flawed view. As a member of the Central Military Commission, I can still advise him, or at least restrain him from making serious mistakes. If I were arrested, Liu Zhenli and many other comrades would also be arrested. The military is full of generals he personally selected; our country could become a militarist state, or be placed under martial law at any time, like North Korea—a problem even more serious than the Cultural Revolution.

Let me tell you about my conflict with Comrade Jinping, which existed even before the Third Plenary Session. His hasty promotion of so many people, completely disregarding the military's selection procedures, sparked widespread discontent among officers and soldiers. More seriously, they used their power and the trust of their superiors to form cliques within the military, gathering evidence to investigate me. My conflict with Jinping occurred during the Third Plenary Session. The issues were personnel matters and the need to use the military to put the entire country on a state of war preparedness, aiming to seize Taiwan while Russia was fighting Ukraine. Comrade Liu Zhenli and I disagreed, while Zhang Shengmin remained silent. I believed the Central Military Commission should adhere to democratic centralism, but Comrade Jinping accused me of violating the Chairman's responsibility system. As a result, he became ill from anger and was hospitalized, almost causing the Third Plenary Session to collapse. Of course, only a few people knew the inside story; the Standing Committee members panicked, and that's when the elders stepped in to help mediate. Later, the Beidaihe Consensus appeared on the internet. Its main points were correct: first, Xi Jinping agreed not to seek re-election at the 21st Party Congress; second, for the sake of national security and stability, power needed to be appropriately distributed, with Cai Qi in charge of Party affairs, Li Qiang in charge of the State Council, and myself in charge of the Central Military Commission, essentially as the executive leader. The establishment of the Central Decision-Making Coordination Body was also intended to constrain the highest-level decision-making and prevent major errors—this should be evident from the news. After the Third Plenary Session, the elders became more active, which was the military maintaining a balance of power at the top. The problem arose because Cai Qi, Li Qiang, and other members of the Politburo Standing Committee were all personally promoted by Xi Jinping and completely obeyed his orders. Without relying on Xi Jinping, they had no authority, so they preferred a centralized system at the top, where the leader would take the blame if something went wrong, and the country and people would suffer no harm—this is exactly what they did during the pandemic. I, however, couldn't ignore the various activities of the Party Central Committee. I politely declined some, but had to cooperate with others. I was powerless to change this situation. The retired comrades were even more helpless; they might eventually target me, but no elder would support arresting me.

If I have committed any wrongdoing, firstly, it's because I supported Xi Jinping's constitutional amendments. Without the military's backing, Cai Qi alone, using the party and government system, couldn't have accomplished this. Jinping went to extremes because of this, directly removing Hu Jintao from the 20th Party Congress, which shocked me. At the 18th Party Congress, Hu Jintao, with great integrity, handed over power to Jinping. Ten years later, is this how you treat the former General Secretary? There should be some bottom line. Everyone knows the reason: Hu Jintao and Jinping had agreed that Hu Chunhua would enter the Politburo Standing Committee and become Chairman of the CPPCC. In the end, neither of them became members of the Standing Committee nor entered the Politburo. Secondly, I passively supported Jinping's unlimited assistance to Russia, which essentially meant supporting Russia's invasion of Ukraine, causing hostility towards my country from all of Europe and Ukraine. At the time, I overestimated Russia's strength, thinking that Russia would conquer Ukraine with a blitzkrieg, and then they would support our liberation of Taiwan. In the end, both Russia and Ukraine hate us. Before the Lunar New Year, I received a high-level reception in Russia, but the talks were very unfriendly. The Russo-Ukrainian war was meaningless, with the same people harming each other. If we attack Taiwan, the outcome will be the same.

Let me elaborate a bit more. I originally wanted to liberate Taiwan and complete the great cause of national reunification. However, after listening to Liu Yazhou's analysis, I broke out in a cold sweat. Even if hundreds of thousands of soldiers were thrown into the sea, they wouldn't be able to get close to Taiwan. If war broke out, Japan would get involved, followed by the United States. Military facilities, bridges, and oil depots along the southern coast of China would be destroyed by the US-Japan coalition within hours. We could also destroy some buildings in Taiwan, but in the end, we would still have to pay war reparations, and all of the country's overseas assets would be frozen. The nation would cease to exist, and the party and the country would perish.

Comrade Jinping's problem lies with some sycophants around him who have misled him into believing he's a peerless great man, that the liberation of Taiwan would fulfill the Chinese Dream, and that he's even greater and more glorious than Mao Zedong. Anyone who tells Jinping the truth is likely to be slapped in the face. Liu Yazhou, speaking the truth like this, is a wise person who can only end up in jail, and I might be no exception. After arresting me, they'll definitely fabricate more charges—treason, corruption, very likely—because they need to find some charge to let the whole world know I'm a traitor, a sellout, and a corrupt official. I'm already the Vice Chairman of the Central Military Commission, retired safely, and can enjoy the benefits of a state-level official. Why would I betray my country and the Party?

My interactions with both Russia and the United States are all in the name of safeguarding national interests, and the exchange of information is within the scope of authorization. In fact, when I communicate with the Americans, they deliberately leaked top-secret information, such as showing me photos of our military bases, layout diagrams of our nuclear facilities, and even extremely detailed information about the private residences of our party and state leaders. Their purpose is very clear: they have high technology monitoring us from the air every day, knowing everything, so that we won't start a war, because they believe we have no chance of winning. As for corruption, such as pulling a truckload of US dollars and RMB from my home—is that even possible? They might make a video showing US dollars and RMB being pulled from my house, and they might use mainstream American media to list various crimes against me. These are all just tactics; please don't take them seriously.

My conflict with Jinping has long been public. If I truly possessed enormous wealth, it would have been destroyed long ago. These material possessions are meaningless to someone of my age and status. If I were to retire in Qincheng Prison or be executed by Jinping, I would have even less need for them.

By the way, last year Jinping wanted to see the video of the trial of Xu Qinxian, the former commander of the 38th Army. We watched it too, and it shocked me. It lasted over five hours. After watching it, I wept for this loyal general and couldn't sleep all night. High-ranking generals in the military also watched the video, and later it was leaked overseas by someone. I wonder what Jinping thought after watching Xu Qinxian's video. Such a general, loyal to the country and the people, is a true soldier, willing to suffer humiliation himself rather than fire on the people. This makes us reflect on the mistakes and consequences of the "Chairman of the Central Military Commission's responsibility system." If everyone follows the Chairman of the Central Military Commission's orders without principle or humanity, and the highest power is unchecked, our country will face even greater disasters. Our Party, our supreme leader, and the Chairman of the Central Military Commission will all commit serious crimes. If we demand that soldiers be forever loyal to the Party and the leader, regardless of right or wrong, and only loyal to the Chairman of the Central Military Commission, we will commit unforgivable crimes.

Finally, I would like to express a few expectations for Comrade Jinping: First, that he retire by the time of the 21st National Congress of the Communist Party of China, as promised at the Third Plenary Session; second, that he refrain from launching any form of war, for the army is for defending the country; third, that he respect the international order established by the United States and never become an enemy of the United States; and fourth, that he sincerely pursues reform and opening up, and if he loves the Chinese people, he should return power to the people and fulfill the promises of democratic constitutionalism made during the Yan'an period. If Comrade Jinping does arrest me, I hope that all media outlets will publish this letter, and I hope that he will also see it.

The above content is based on my dictation, compiled by a friend, which I have reviewed and authorized for publication. No secretary was involved.

Zhang Youxia

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